Posts Tagged ‘US Health Care System’

There is no Voom

Saturday, January 16th, 2010

By Evan Falchuk

Did you ever read The Cat in the Hat Comes Back?

It’s the sequel to The Cat in The Hat and it’s better than the original.  Kind of like how Empire Strikes Back is better than Star Wars.

In the Cat in the Hat Comes Back, the Cat returns to the scene of his first adventure, and accidentally creates what seems to be a manageable problem – a ring of pink goo in the bathtub.  He tells the children he can clean it up.  But every solution he tries creates a new problem.  Great pink spots of goo keep getting spread all over the place.

The cat brings in more cats to help clean up the spots.  These cats – 25 in all, bring increasingly intricate solutions.  But they only spread the spots around more and more, making the problem much bigger, and much worse.

The spots finally get cleaned up, but only when one final cat – so small that you can’t see him – uses a magical power called “VOOM.”  Unleashing VOOM suddenly puts everything back exactly as it was supposed to be.

Dr. Seuss understood people.  When faced with a problem, people tend to want to do something.  But when this happens, people often seriously undervalue the unintended consequences of whatever it is they’re trying.

It happens in business all the time.  You face a problem and decide some new software will fix it.  You rush to build it.  Then, along the way somewhere, maybe millions of dollars later, you realize the software isn’t helping.  In fact, it’s created a whole host of new issues.  You realize, too late, that your real problem had to do with the way your business was organized in the first place.

Politicians are very susceptible to this, especially when dealing with big, important issues.  Who among them wouldn’t want to champion some giant, historic solution to a giant, historic problem?

So, here are three ways the what’s gone on in health reform in Washington DC is the return of the Cat in the Hat – but without the Voom.

1.  “To take spots off THIS bed will be hard,” said the cat.  “I can’t do it alone,” said the Cat in the Hat.

The reform bills have never been based on a vision of changing American health care into some new, coherently different state.  Instead, they are a collection of big and small deals meant to satisfy the needs of one or another Congressman or constituency.    The most recent of these – the deal to exempt union plans from the “Cadillac” tax underscores the point.  Rising health care costs are the most important fiscal issue we face as a country – well, unless those costs are covered by a union benefit plan.

I don’t know that the Cadillac tax was ever a good idea.  But if you’re going to have it, shouldn’t it apply to everyone equally?  If the reason to have it is to get rid of high-cost insurance plans, how does exempting a huge portion of the high cost marketplace further that goal?  It doesn’t, of course.

2. Oh the things that they did! And they did them so hard.  It was all one big spot now all over the yard!

One of the major reasons why health insurance is so expensive is how it’s regulated.  Today, 50 state agencies dictate what companies can sell in their states, what they have to cover, the terms on which they must accept business, and many other important activities.  It adds a significant amount of cost to all policies.  Worse, it makes the market for health insurance deeply uncompetitive and stagnant.  In short, it’s a terrible deal for consumers, and a great one for insurance companies.   The bills in Congress address this issue….by replicating a federal version of this state system.

Now, instead of dealing with 50 regulators, insurers can work closely with just one regulator, if you know what I mean.  This isn’t progress.  It is a failure of imagination.

3.  “Why, Voom cleans up anything clean as can be!”

As a plot device, using Voom is a sort of cheap way to end the chaos unleashed by the Cat in the Hat in a page or so.  But that was the point.  There’s no such thing as “Voom,” even though we all wish there were.  The lesson is this- cleaning up messes is hard, so be careful not to make them in the first place.  Don’t act without thinking.  Realize that once you have a mess, the only way to fix it is not through dramatic short-cuts, but through the hard, daily work of chipping away, one bit at a time.

“And so, if you ever have spots, now and then, I will be very happy to come here again.”

I Spy the Senate Bill

Monday, December 21st, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Is the health care bill the Senate passed a good thing or a bad thing?

It depends on who you ask. Which ought to be your first clue that it is really an exercise in politics.

I’ve been warning for months that the rushed process and soaring rhetoric veiled the reality of what was happening.  And that is this: no one really can describe what health care reform is about.

There are a lot of reasons for this, but the biggest one is that very few people on either side seem to understand the health care “system.”  In fact, calling it a “system” is part of the problem.  So let me try to help.

Our health care “system” like one of those pictures from an I Spy book.  Here’s one.

The US health care system

The US health care system

What do you see?  There are some coherent things about it.  First, someone put all of those pieces there.  They seem to be set up haphazardly, but they’re actually set up in a way that’s convenient for the publisher of the book.  They also have a general Christmas theme to them.

But that’s about it.

Now, say someone wanted to “reform” this picture.  How would you do it?  You could put everything in some kind of order.  But what order?  Red things on the left, yellow in the middle, blue on the right?  Or the other way around?  Or why not order it by size or shape or type of object?  Why not reform it to make it easier to find the items on that list at the bottom – clear out everything else and just leave behind the thimble, four birds of red, two fuzzy chickens and a gold-trimmed sled?  That would be simple, but it wouldn’t make the game very good.

You could forgive someone who wanted to reform this picture from doing what a lot of people looking at these pictures do – give up and go to sleep.

But would-be health care reformers are cleverer than that.  They decided to change the problem.  Instead of trying to reform the messy health care system, they said let’s reform the health insurance system.  A picture of that looks like a map of the United States.  Now this is a system that can be reformed.

At the federal level it’s a blank slate, so anything you do counts as reform.  And, since we’re in a hurry, you can take a short-cut and just put in place federally something like what the states have been doing for decades.  Presto! Reform.

I poke fun, but what’s so bad about a federalized version of state insurance regulation?

The problem is this: the way states regulate insurance is one of the major reasons why health insurance is so expensive.  Heavily laden with thousands of rules dictating what they have to cover, how much they can charge, who they must accept as insureds, only a few insurers are able to compete.  A cynic might say the rules have become rigged in favor of these few companies.  A kinder person might say that these are the unintended consequences of good intentions.  But whatever the reason the result is the same: a very small number of companies dominate the markets of every state.  Where competition is low, prices are high.

This is the great irony of reform.  The things that have made health insurance so expensive in the states are the very things reformers want to use federally to make it more affordable.

So what do political advocates think about all of this?

Progressives don’t like it because they think it benefits the insurance companies, and they’re probably right.  Conservatives say, no, the insurance companies are getting taken over by the federal government.  They’re probably wrong.  In fact, it’s the machinery of regulation that’s getting taken over by federal government.  And that, should this bill become law, is a bigger deal than most people realize.

Professor: Americans are Unkind

Sunday, December 13th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Ancient people couldn’t understand why solar eclipses happened, so they looked for explanations that fit what they saw:

A recurring and pervasive embodiment of the eclipse was a dragon, or a demon, who devours the sun. The ancient Chinese would produce great noise and commotion during an eclipse, banging on pots and drums to frighten away the dragon.

They weren’t crazy, although if we accept their explanation, their solutions seem pretty illogical.  I mean, would a dragon big and powerful enough to eat the sun really be scared away by people banging on pots and drums?

I guess I don’t understand the skittishness of giant sun-devouring dragons.

But this the trouble.  When you come at a problem with a faulty premise — and insist on keeping that premise — it leads you down some very strange paths.

Such is the case in a recent blog post by Professor Uwe Reinhardt of  Princeton University.  He wonders if the opposition to health care reform bills (now at 61% according to CNN) is because Americans just aren’t very kind people.

The theory here is that in all modern nations, the better-off members of society would like to provide kind acts for the less well-off. The kind acts in question include financing health care for the less fortunate who cannot pay for that care with their own resources. . . . [but] thanks to the expensive and often wasteful manner in which our country’s health care providers and insurers have managed their affairs, they have helped to price kindness out of America’s soul.

This lack of kindness, according to Reinhardt, can be seen in opposition to parts of the reform bill like subsidies for people who can’t afford insurance, making insurance mandatory, and outlawing insurance company practices that allow them to charge different amounts of premium to sick versus healthy people.

Now, one can argue (kindly) that rules like these have helped make health insurance so expensive in the first place.

Or one could be more cruel and point to Massachusetts.  Massachusetts has perhaps the highest health care costs in America, and yet somehow escaped Reinhardt’s theoretical descent into unkindness.  In 2006, that state, under a Republican governor no less, passed reforms that did the very things he says Americans oppose out of a lack of kindness.

It’s almost as if the sun came back without anyone banging a single pot or drum.  How could this happen?

Here’s how: Reinhardt’s premise is wrong.  Americans are kind and generous. They make more private charitable donations than any people on Earth, including Europeans, whether measured in raw dollars are as a percentage of GDP.

What is different about Americans is that – fairly or unfairly – they don’t trust the government to be very good at dealing with most problems (“Hi, I’m from the government and I’m here to help” is a joke, not a relief).  Americans are suspicious of anyone selling something who is in a rush to get you to buy it.  Indeed, American popular culture is loaded with cautionary tales of people being taken advantage of in just this way.

Now, put aside the specific policy proposals and look at how reform is being sold to Americans.

It needs to be done now. The only way to do it is through massive and not well understood legislation.  It will cost a trillion dollars, but it will save money.  You won’t be affected by it unless you want to.  Well, except that your care is going to get better and cheaper.  And don’t raise questions about it.  Your questions are motivated by politics or financial self-interest or much worse.  In its own way, you could say this approach is brilliant in how it has touched on so many negative associations.

So, no, Professor Reinhardt, Americans are plenty kind.  The reason reform is going badly isn’t because Americans don’t want to take care of those in need.  It’s because reformers have failed to convince them that this is the way to do it.

The Nuclear Option

Friday, December 11th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Over at The Corner, Ramesh Ponnuru theorizes that people want more control over how they spend their health care dollars:

[Ezra] Klein’s argument is that if employees understood that the employer’s alleged share of their health-care costs are really part of their wages — and if they saw it on their paychecks — they would be more supportive of cost control. I agree with that. But I assume he means (based on his examples in this op-ed) that they would be more supportive of cost controls imposed by HMOs or Congress. I think they would be more inclined to favor turning over control of health insurance from their employers to themselves, and making the cost-quality trade-offs for themselves with their own money. Under the status quo, those trade-offs are made by other people and the fact that it’s the employees’ money is obscured.

It sounds nice in theory.  But in practice it seems to be exactly wrong.

(more…)

Oh Good, a Thoughtful Debate on Healthcare, Ctd

Monday, December 7th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

That thoughtful debate on health care continues.

Today, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid had this to say on the floor of the U.S. Senate:

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid . . .compar[ed] Republicans who oppose health care reform to lawmakers who clung to the institution of slavery more than a century ago. . . “Instead of joining us on the right side of history, all the Republicans can come up with is, ‘slow down, stop everything, let’s start over.’ If you think you’ve heard these same excuses before, you’re right,” Reid said. “When this country belatedly recognized the wrongs of slavery, there were those who dug in their heels and said ‘slow down, it’s too early, things aren’t bad enough.’”

He continued: “When women spoke up for the right to speak up, they wanted to vote, some insisted they simply, slow down, there will be a better day to do that, today isn’t quite right.

“When this body was on the verge of guaranteeing equal civil rights to everyone regardless of the color of their skin, some senators resorted to the same filibuster threats that we hear today.”

Seriously, Senator? Slavery? Suffrage? Civil rights?

Reid must know that there are valid reasons to question the legislation in the Senate and House. And he certainly knows that there are politics in the Senate. But shouldn’t we expect the Senate Majority Leader to be experienced enough at this game to handle it without resorting to such bizarre comparisons? (UPDATE 7:16am 12/9/09: Harry Reid confirms that he meant what he said).

So in the spirit of rational discussion, let me offer a reasonable rebuttal to a reasonable critique of the legislation in Congress.

Many reform opponents deride the bills in Congress as a “government takeover” of health care. Today, for example, Philip Klein of the American Spectator said that as Governor, Mitt Romney engineered the “state takover” of the Massachusetts health care system. Klein says the Senate bill represents a similar “takeover” at the federal level. What’s more, according to Klein, the Massachusetts experiment has worked out so badly that “the only people left defending the Massachusetts health care reform are liberals who want to see Obamacare passed … and Mitt Romney.”

It’s a curious comment.

The Massachusetts reforms of 2006 were dramatic, but fairly simple. The state made it mandatory, with some exceptions, for individuals to own health insurance, and for businesses to provide it. There was no government takeover of anything – the government didn’t even focus on a “public option.” Instead, it set up programs to make it easier for people without insurance to find affordable private insurance options, or to help them get on existing government programs for which they were eligible.

Some aspects of the program has been a great success.

Less than 3% of people in Massachusetts are uninsured. Doctors overwhelmingly support it. In fact, many worry that the current national reform efforts will undermine what has been accomplished in Massachusetts.

On the other hand, the public at large is skeptical.

Only 26% of Massachusetts voters think the program has been a success. Thirty seven percent think it’s been a failure, and another 37% aren’t sure. It’s probably because Massachusetts has some of the highest health insurance costs in the country. Not coincidentally, it also has one of the most concentrated insurance markets in the country, too. Meanwhile, the increase in costs to the state budget because of an underestimate of the cost of subsidies and other expenses is hitting hard in this difficult recession. It’s not a recipe for good polling.

Still, if the reforms solved the problem of the uninsured without having the government take over the health care system, why isn’t that a success? Yes, the cost problem hasn’t gone away. But isn’t this a lesson we should all learn? Cost is not caused by a lack of coverage.

And this is the larger point.

Does anyone debating health care really know what they are talking about, or is this all politics?

Why Health Insurance is So Expensive, Continued

Wednesday, December 2nd, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

The Healthcare Economist points to a study from late last year about the impact of state insurance regulation on the price of health insurance policies.   It’s a subject I’ve blogged about many times before (like here, and here and here and here).

The study tried to quantify the impact of the types of mandates used by states in their insurance markets: guarantee issue, community rating, mandated benefits, and so-called “any willing provider” rules.

It found that all of these increased the price of health insurance, but there were limitations in the study.  They had a “rich data set based on actual insurance contracts” only for guarantee issue and community rating mandates on individual policies.  Still, this is a big segment of the market – perhaps 30 million people buy insurance in this way – and the data are revealing.

But first, what do these terms mean?

“Guarantee issue” means that an insurance company can’t deny you coverage because of a pre-existing condition.  So if you are sick you can buy a policy and the company has to accept you.  “Community rating” means that an insurer can’t charge you more because you are sick, or because of your age or gender.   Different states put different spins on these concepts, or don’t have them at all.  They typically exist together as part of one regulatory scheme.  They are both part of reform bills in Congress.

According to the study, community rating increased individual premiums by as much as 17%, and family premiums by as much as 33%.  Guarantee issue increased premiums by well over 100% for individuals, and by as much as 191% for families.

Why does this happen?

If the law says insurers have to treat every person the same, without taking into account whether they’re sick or healthy, young or old, a rational insurer will do some rational things.  For example, it will assume disproportionate numbers of people who buy a policy from them will be sick and old.

Of course, when they do this, the product becomes expensive, and young, healthy people start to wonder if they should even buy it in the first place.  After all, they don’t really need insurance, right?  They’re young and healthy and can wait to buy insurance when they get sick.  So, the insurers’ assumptions on the age and health of their portfolios come true, or are worse than expected.  Coupled with the overall rise in the cost of health care, insurers now push through new rounds of price increases, which, in turn, create more uninsured people.  It is a very nasty cycle.

Which brings us to reform, circa 2009.

As Congress debates the politics of reform, there seems to be a lack of recognition of what makes health insurance so expensive in the first place.  The great irony of reform is that lurking in the bills our representatives have written are precisely the kind of regulations that got us here in the first place.

Bending the Curve- Wanna Bet?

Tuesday, December 1st, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts and Caritas Christi Health System are announcing a new agreement that some suggest may be a model for the rest of the country.

Under it, the non-profit insurer will stop paying the non-profit hospital on a fee-for-service basis for certain insureds:

Under the deal expected to be announced Friday, Caritas . . . will be paid to take care of about 60,000 Blue Cross members in its new program — whether or not they get sick. Caritas will use some of the payments for preventive services to help keep patients healthy. If Caritas can keep health-care costs under a certain budget, it can make a profit. But if health-care costs go over the agreed-on amount, Caritas is on the hook. . . . . Blue Cross is adding a carrot: If doctors and hospitals can meet certain quality targets, they can earn a bonus of as much as 10% on the value of the deal.

It sounds like a new approach to health costs.  But it reveals more about how the same old ways of controlling health care costs continue to thrive.

Here’s what I mean.

The model of the last few decades has been this.  Insurers and hospitals negotiate rates to pay for care.  The bigger and more important the hospital, the more leverage it has over the insurer.  The bigger and more important the insurer, the more leverage it can have back over the hospital.  So in Massachusetts, like other states, hospitals have consolidated into a small number of big hospital “systems.”  In turn, the health insurance business has become dominated by a small number of insurers, chief among them Blue Cross.

Simplified, here’s how these negotiations go.  The insurer threatens that if it doesn’t get what it wants, it will change its plan designs to make it less likely that patients will seek care at the hospital.  The hospital, says if it it doesn’t get what it wants, it will stop accepting the insurer’s customers.  It’s a game of high-stakes chicken, but deals usually get made.  They typically involve the hospitals agreeing to lower rates of pay for more routine care, and preserving higher rates of pay for more specialized care.  It’s a set up that encourages big hospital systems to get bigger, so they can capture more patients, and more focused on highly specialized care.  It also makes it far more likely that smaller insurers will end up paying more for the same care at the same hospital, as the hospitals try to offset lost revenue from them.

So what does this have to do with the new deal between Blue Cross and Caritas?

Well, less significant hospital systems like Caritas (which has very good doctors but has been notoriously troubled in recent years) have very little negotiating leverage with the big insurance companies.  For them, the game isn’t so much getting a good rate of pay for their services as it is getting patients through the door.  And so they need to figure out ways to get the insurer to encourage patients to go there.  What better way to do it than to enter into a high-profile new contract with the biggest insurer in the state?

Now, take a look at the numbers.  If I’m doing the math right, Caritas is going to get about $6,000 per insured per year.  With state Medicaid payments running at about $5,500 per insured, these Blue Cross patients not particularly interesting, financially.  Unless, that is, the program works as expected and Blue Cross ends up changing its plan design to encourage more people to go to Caritas for care, as opposed to the other major Massachusetts hospital systems.  And you know Blue Cross would love to be able, one day, to use its deal with Caritas as part of its negotiations with those other systems.

“It’s a bet,” said Caritas Chief Executive Ralph de la Torre.

That, it is.  But some new paradigm for health care?  Not so much.

What We Can Learn from the Swiss

Monday, November 23rd, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Blogging from Switzerland this morning.

American news reports and blogs in the last few weeks have talked about how the Swiss health care system can be a model for our own.  The Swiss system includes many components of what is being debated in Washington.  For example, there are no exclusions for pre-existing conditions, an individual mandate, and, according to the New York Times, a cost per person far less than that of the United States.  It also doesn’t have a “public option.”

So is it a model for reform in the United States?

For starters, you can’t simply transplant the health care system of one country into another one.  Each country’s system has developed in the unique circumstances of that country’s political and medical culture.

For example, the Swiss have no Medicare-type system for the elderly, who must buy insurance like everyone else.  According to some experts, they also have a very different set of expectations of what they want from their health care system.  Americans, it seems, are far more demanding, and have a much higher expectation that death can be staved off or avoided if only appropriate care can be delivered.  And these are just a few of the more important differences.

It’s not really the point, though.  No one in Washington is talking about importing Switzerland into the United States.

There is much that can be learned from the experience of health care and health insurance in other countries.  The trouble is, the reform debate in the United States has revolved around a series of political maneuvers designed to get a particular bill or another passed, or not.  The substance of reform, buried in the thousands of pages of legislation produced by the House and Senate has become secondary.  And, as far as anyone can tell, what’s in these bills an enormous collection of changes to our health care and health insurance system that may or may not fit together, that may or may not address the issues they are meant to address, and may or may not be what Americans – or even their representatives – mean them to be.

But whatever the legislation will be, one thing is clear.  Our representatives in Washington, of both political parties, have spent more time behind closed doors or on TV jockeying for political position than they have learning about the experience of health care systems outside of the United States.

So, yes, there is a lot we can learn from the health care systems of other countries.  But the truth is that one of the uniquely American aspects of the U.S. system today, and the one we will have tomorrow, is we like to try to do things our own way.  It’s a recipe for creating a new system that’s just as strange and confused as the old one.

Trust Me

Thursday, November 19th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

There is a disturbing story in the Hartford Courant (via the WSJ Health Blog) on how Connecticut state lawmakers have helped hospitals keep medical mistakes secret from the public.  It’s true:

The legislature in 2002 ordered hospitals to disclose all serious patient injuries “associated with medical management.”  But after the first reports were made public, hospital lobbyists persuaded lawmakers to rewrite the statute in 2004, limiting the kinds of adverse events that must be divulged, and promising to keep reports secret unless they led to an investigation.

What happened next is predictable.  According to the Courant, public access to data about hospital adverse events dropped by 90%.

Is this a good thing?

The state and hospitals seem to think so.  They say that the more limited reporting requirements mean that reporting is targeted at serious problems.  A spokesperson for a major Connecticut hospital agreed, saying that “questionable cases” are reviewed by senior management, and forwarded to the state if they meet the criteria for reporting.  They also say that keeping the reports secret makes the hospitals more willing to report honestly on adverse events.

I don’t doubt the integrity of the people involved in these programs at the state or hospitals.  But the system they have set up can be summed up as “trust me.”  Trust me that I will know, as a hospital, when an event is serious enough to report to the state.  Trust me as the state that I can figure out what’s important to tell the public what is and what isn’t important.   Trust us that the quality of hospital care will be better if we can just keep you from knowing too much what happens when people are treated in them.

I appreciate that people like to manage bad news in private.  In an organization, it can be an understandable instinct of self-preservation.  But more broadly, hiding mistakes is a very bad thing.

Why?

First, it gives the impression that the hospitals, and the state, actually have something  to hide.  I mean, otherwise, why hide it?  Maybe they are worried the public will misinterpret the data.  But then why not spend a little bit of time educating people on the meaning of the data?  That seems more productive than simply hiding it.  And don’t the hospitals and legislators see that by hiding it in this way all they are doing is magnifying the importance of whatever it is they are hiding?

It also corrodes the trust people place in what ought to be trustworthy institutions.  The data ought to just be the data.  The state and hospitals should ensure the data is accurate, understandable, and consistent.  By focusing on figuring out what is appropriate for the public to see or not the data becomes unavoidably tainted with politics.  Worse, it creates a perception that certain public servants have special access to information, which the rest of us are not worthy to see.  That’s not how America’s supposed to work, and one reason Justice Brandeis’ wisdom that “sunlight is the best disinfectant” is so timeless.

Finally, keeping these kinds of things secret robs all of us of the opportunity to learn from mistakes.  Teaching hospitals and others commonly perform what are known as “morbidity and mortality” rounds.  These are conferences in which doctors meet to discuss mistakes, bad outcomes, complications and the like.  The purpose of these rounds isn’t to lay blame, but rather to try to figure out what went wrong, and how to learn from the mistakes.

Broader studies on misdiagnoses show that if you collect lots of data on what goes wrong you can discover interesting things that can improve the quality of care.  For example, some researchers are categorizing how and why medical errors happen, helping avoid these kinds of mistakes in the future.  But without data, you can’t do these good and valuable things.

So, yes, I understand the instinct to keep bad news secret.  But our philosophy ought to be openness and transparency.  Not only because it helps improve the quality of care but because it’s simply the right thing to do.

The Divide, Continued

Friday, November 13th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

The strangely out-of-touch comments by proponents of reform legislation continue.

Yesterday, Christina Romer, the head of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers was asked about the proposed excise tax on so-called “Cadillac” health plans.  Romer said:

Part of the idea of how that is going to work is precisely because it does empower consumers. It empowers each of us to have an employer-sponsored plan to call our HR office and say, ‘Would you negotiate harder? Would you think about (whether this) is the most efficient plan out there, because I don’t want my plan paying an excise tax.’ So I think that’s something that is very much empowering consumers.

It’s a bizarre statement.  Roemer has impressive academic credentials, but this kind of statement betrays a profound ignorance of how employers actually buy health benefits.  She’s not the only one with such strange beliefs.

So, let me make it simple.

Companies across America use skilled and experienced benefits professionals to design and implement their health plans.  The bigger the employer the better they are at this.  In fact, big employers are such smart negotiators that they manage to get the services of the insurance companies without paying them a dime for health insurance.  It’s true: they just use the insurance companies to mechanically pay for the cost of their employees’ care, which comes out of the pocket of the employer.

Now, the smaller an employer is, the more difficult it is.  If you’re a company with 20 employees, your problem isn’t whether you are any good at negotiating.  It’s that you probably live in a state where one or two insurance companies dominate the market.  Your choices are limited, and because you’re too small to self-insure, you need to buy insurance from one of them.

But it’s worse than that.  State laws make it so that even if you were to try to “negotiate harder” (whatever that means), there isn’t much the insurance company is allowed to do.

So what is Professor Romer talking about?  Frankly, I have no idea.  So many reform proponents in Washington have never run a business or designed a benefit plan, so I’m becoming less and less surprised when they come to strange conclusions about these things.  But what doesn’t help is that they seem to prefer to spend so much time behind closed doors in Washington, or on TV, and so little time out talking to people actually in this business to see what works and what doesn’t.

This is hubris.  And it bodes very ill for the likelihood that plans coming out of Washington are going to make things better and not worse.

  • "Medicine is learned by the bedside and not in the class room. Let not your conception of manifestations of disease come from work heard in the lecture room or read from the book: see and then research, compare and control. But see first."
    - Sir William Osler, MD
    The Father of Modern Medicine
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