Archive for the ‘Why Insurance is So Expensive’ Category

The Divide, Continued

Friday, November 13th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

The strangely out-of-touch comments by proponents of reform legislation continue.

Yesterday, Christina Romer, the head of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers was asked about the proposed excise tax on so-called “Cadillac” health plans.  Romer said:

Part of the idea of how that is going to work is precisely because it does empower consumers. It empowers each of us to have an employer-sponsored plan to call our HR office and say, ‘Would you negotiate harder? Would you think about (whether this) is the most efficient plan out there, because I don’t want my plan paying an excise tax.’ So I think that’s something that is very much empowering consumers.

It’s a bizarre statement.  Roemer has impressive academic credentials, but this kind of statement betrays a profound ignorance of how employers actually buy health benefits.  She’s not the only one with such strange beliefs.

So, let me make it simple.

Companies across America use skilled and experienced benefits professionals to design and implement their health plans.  The bigger the employer the better they are at this.  In fact, big employers are such smart negotiators that they manage to get the services of the insurance companies without paying them a dime for health insurance.  It’s true: they just use the insurance companies to mechanically pay for the cost of their employees’ care, which comes out of the pocket of the employer.

Now, the smaller an employer is, the more difficult it is.  If you’re a company with 20 employees, your problem isn’t whether you are any good at negotiating.  It’s that you probably live in a state where one or two insurance companies dominate the market.  Your choices are limited, and because you’re too small to self-insure, you need to buy insurance from one of them.

But it’s worse than that.  State laws make it so that even if you were to try to “negotiate harder” (whatever that means), there isn’t much the insurance company is allowed to do.

So what is Professor Romer talking about?  Frankly, I have no idea.  So many reform proponents in Washington have never run a business or designed a benefit plan, so I’m becoming less and less surprised when they come to strange conclusions about these things.  But what doesn’t help is that they seem to prefer to spend so much time behind closed doors in Washington, or on TV, and so little time out talking to people actually in this business to see what works and what doesn’t.

This is hubris.  And it bodes very ill for the likelihood that plans coming out of Washington are going to make things better and not worse.

The Divide

Thursday, November 12th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Health care reformers say they want to improve the quality and affordability of health care.

It sounds good.  But it’s not like there’s no one out there trying to do that.  Employers of all sizes have been working on this problem for a long time, and they’ve come up with a great many interesting successes and failures.

So what’s the problem?

Well, it seems like reformers in Congress are completely uninterested in these things.

Yesterday I had the opportunity to speak to and in front of two very prominent groups.  Without saying who they were, I will say that one is doing some very interesting work with smaller employers, the other focuses solely on very large employers.  Both are at the leading edge of successful efforts to improve health care quality and cost.  Neither has been asked by Congress to share with them what they are doing.

There is, in short, an enormous divide between what reformers in Congress are trying to do and what people who are in the business of health care understand about the reality of this kind of work.

Let me give you two examples.

One group has banded together hundreds of smaller employers – representing tens of thousands of employees – to try to control rising health care costs.   Unlike large employers, small employers can’t self-insure for health care risk, so they have to buy insurance from an insurance company.

You would think that this group could go to the insurance companies and negotiate some kind of a group rate for their members, right?  Well, they can’t – it’s illegal.  The state in which these employers are located has mandated the rates that insurers must charge small employers.  They can’t give a price break, or have the flexibility to create something that would suit these employers.

The only escape for these small employers would be to pool their insurance risk so they could self-insure like the big employers.  But this is a very complicated exercise.  And why should they have to go through this trouble, when all they really want is to negotiate rates with the insurance companies?  It makes little sense.  But you know what’s worse?  As reform moves along in Congress, this kind of thing may become federal law.

Who benefits from this?

Well, on one level the health insurance companies do.  They don’t really need to compete for business, they just charge what the government tells them and collect the money.  It will be the same if a government-run insurer shows up to compete, they will just get to do the same thing.  It’s almost as easy as collecting taxes.

But there’s more to it than this.  It turns out that many insurers in that state are working with small employers on innovative programs that improve the quality and cost of care.  Things like helping employers get their employees to stop smoking, lose weight, control their chronic illnesses and many others.  They’re working with hospitals and physician practices to create changes in how care is delivered, and they’re seeing results.  The trouble is, insurers aren’t able to reflect the impact of this work in the cost they charge to an individual small employer.  Well, it’s trouble if you’re a customer, it’s not so bad if you’re the insurer.

It’s something you see large employers doing all the time.  And since they can self-insure, they get the economic benefit of these programs.  In my series on Real People, Real Reform, I’ve shared a very small taste of what major employers in America are doing.  It’s programs like the ones I’ve just mentioned, and many others, and many of them seem to work.

But when you talk to these large employers, like I did yesterday, there is a sense of disconnectedness over what’s happening in Washington.  Few can explain what the government is up to, exactly, and there is a sense of cynicism that Congress hasn’t spent its time in rooms like the one I was in yesterday.  Why aren’t they talking with large employers about the successes and failures they have had with health care?

It’s enough to make you think reform is more about politics than health care.  Or, to give reformers the benefit of the doubt, maybe they just don’t realize they are heading down a misguided path.  It’s as if the government decided in the 1980s that the best way to reform the telecommunications business would be to mandate lower prices for rotary phones, and wanted to set up a government manufacturer of these phones to create competition for them.  It might have worked, but mostly at locking in place a stagnant and deeply unimaginative status quo.

And this is the larger point.

What’s wrong with health care reform isn’t that people have bad intentions.  It’s the total failure of imagination.  As one reform proponent told me the other day, “we’ve been waiting 16 years to do this.”  Well, the world has changed an awful lot in the last 16 years, and one thing should be clear.  We should spend far less of our time trying to settle old political scores, and far more time listening to people who are actually doing real and meaningful things to improve health care.

There is no more difficult art to acquire than the art of observation. – Dr. William Osler

My Quick 3 Reactions to the House Health Care Reform Bill

Monday, November 9th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Here are a few quick reactions to the House’s passage on Saturday of its health care reform bill.

1. It’s a huge bill, and that’s the problem.

It’s 1,990 pages long, and it’s trying to do an equally massive number of things.  It would create a public health plan;  establish insurance exchanges; federalize much of state insurance regulation; change the ways in which the federal government pays for health care; address issues in medical education; try to deal with fraud and abuse in Medicare; make changes to dental care, hospital price transparency, health care for native Americans, long term care insurance; establish subsidies and taxes for individuals, taxes on pharmaceutical and medical device makers, spending on public health programs; eliminate the anti-trust exemption for health and medical malpractice insurers, and on and on and on.  You can get a taste of the bewildering extent of this legislation by just scrolling through its table of contents.

I’m not sure there’s ever been such a big piece of health care or health insurance legislation ever passed.  I mean, like, ever.  It’s not going to become law, though, since the Senate has yet to pass its own bill and the Senate and House versions will need to (somehow) be reconciled.   And if one of the problems with reform is the public anxiety its complexity creates, this bill won’t help.  Still, it’s a big milestone and should be recognized for that.

2.  The stock market seems to like it.

The stocks of a broad range of health insurance companies were up as much as 3% today.   The market doesn’t seem to think this bill is bad news.  Why?

Maybe the market likes that the House bill brings back the mandates on individuals and employers that will create the bounty of new, paying customers Vice President Biden promised.  Or maybe the market thinks the bill is so complicated it won’t become law, which might also benefit the insurers.  Or maybe when the market closed Friday it expected the final bill to be much worse than it ended up being.  Or maybe health insurance company stocks go up every time the Patriots beat the Dolphins.

What is clear is that the market did not treat the passage of this monumental legislation, designed to completely transform the health insurance industry, to be an especially significant event.

3.  Health care and politics mix badly

Back in July, I warned that abortion would end up being part of the fight over health care reform, and it was.  A bi-partisan group of 240 representatives (20 more than voted for the final bill) voted for an amendment to the House bill dealing with abortion.  The amendment would ban the sale of insurance policies that cover abortion in the government-sponsored exchange that the bill would create.  However you feel about abortion, this is an example of the same old way of regulating health insurance that the states have been doing for generations.  It’s what created such an uncompetitive market for health insurance in the first place.

The states, which until now (perhaps) are the sole regulators of insurance, regulate health insurance by telling insurance companies what they have to cover if they want to sell in their states.  In all, states impose nearly 2,000 mandates on health insurance policies in this way.  Of course, whether something is mandated or not depends on the political clout of the group lobbying for it.  Now, the federal government seems to want to try its hand at this same old approach to regulating insurance.  Abortion, it seems is the first of what promise to be many such mandates.

Don’t believe me?  Take a look at the action in the Senate.  Last week, Senator Hatch proposed that policies sold in the Senate’s version of the exchange be required to cover Christian Science prayer treatments.

Lessons from Israel, Continued

Thursday, October 22nd, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

So here are some thoughts following my talk last night at the “Israel: A Prescription for Healthcare Reform” event:

1.  Yes, we can learn from the health care systems of other countries…but they’re all unique.

Every country’s health care system has developed in the unique circumstances of that country’s economy, culture and history.  It’s an obvious, but important, insight, and Israel is no exception.

Israel was founded in 1948, but there were health care organizations in existence there long before that.  From the start these organizations were based on the culture of communal self-reliance that characterizes much of Israeli society.  From an American perspective, these organizations, called ‘kupot holim’ in Herbrew, look something like an HMO.  Today, there are four of these health plans, which provide a basic level of coverage to 100% of the population.

Israeli law requires that all residents join one of these four health plans, which is how they achieve universal coverage.  The plans cannot exclude anyone for pre-existing conditions, and are required to provide at a minimum a standardized basket of basic coverage.  The plan collect premiums from a combination of the government, employers and the individual insureds, with the extent of individual premium responsibility graduated on the basis of income.  Those who earn more, pay more.  Many people who can afford it buy supplemental policies on top of these plans.

It seems to function well for Israelis, and includes a greater emphasis on primary care than we see in the United States.  From Professor Altman’s description, and that of some of the Israeli audience members, it sounds like it also brings with it limitations on access to specialists, diagnostic testing and medical devices that would be difficult to accept in the United States.  And while the system is cheaper as a percentage of GDP than what Americans pay, Israel also struggles with questions of rising health care costs.

2. Regular people are getting very sophisticated about health care reform

The audience of about 100 wasn’t made up of health care wonks, but there were two questions about state versus federal regulation of insurance.  If the questions reflect anything about public sentiment, there was a sense of surprise that insurance companies in one state aren’t allowed to sell in another.  There was also a question about whether the federal reform will undo the important reforms Massachusetts has done in the last few years.  Professor Altman, who spoke on the panel with me, and who has worked on this very issue, seemed to think it was too early to tell.   More unintended consequences?

Overall, there was a sense of puzzlement over how our health care system could have ever become so complicated.  Professor Altman said it takes him an entire semester to teach the system to his students.  I had ten minutes.

3.  Health reform in 2009 is about health insurance not health care

There’s little question that some changes to insurance regulation would be helpful.  But the soaring rhetoric of reform is terribly disconnected from the reality of the proposals.  Maybe this is a good storyline for getting a law passed, but it’s not a recipe for righting what is wrong in our system.

The really important stuff in health care happens where insurance intersects with care, where money mixes with medicine.  If the purpose of reform is to save money, we have to change our way of thinking about it.  Health care – the relationship between a patient and their doctor – must be at the center of everything we do. But it’s not, and it’s because we keep trying to same old solutions to the same old problems.  Medical care too expensive?  Pay doctors less.  New drugs and technology?  Limit their use.  No one likes this approach – least of all patients  and their doctors.  And what’s worse, it doesn’t work.

So, yes, the focus on health insurance reform will lead to many changes, and more complexity.  And some day, years from now, someone will be explaining the American system to an audience, and people will wonder, how did anyone ever create a system such as this?

Bad Moon on the Rise

Monday, October 19th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

The New York Times finally reports on something readers of See First have known about for almost two months now – the emerging fight over whether the federal government should regulate health insurance.

According to the Times, President Obama is upset that health insurance industry lobbyists have switched from support for the Baucus plan to opposition to it.  And so he gave his seeming approval to plans (I blogged about them here) for removing the federal anti-trust exemption health insurers currently enjoy.  The anti-trust exemption is at the heart of the American system of insurance regulation.

Now, there are good and reasonable public policy reasons to not only get rid of the antitrust exemption, but also to create a national market for insurance.  Pique over a political disagreement shouldn’t be one of them.  But it’s ok, legislation passes for all kinds of reasons, and the more important point is this.  A change as monumental as this ought to happen through reasoned, thoughtful discussion. And it certainly ought to happen with some kind of a plan of what we want this new federally-dominated insurance market to look like.

It begs other interesting questions, too.

Why should health insurers be singled out in this way?  If the problem is, as the President puts it, that health insurers are “looking for ways to avoid covering people,” rather than trying to curb costs and protect their insureds, well, couldn’t you say the same thing about insurers in all lines of business?  And if the answer to that is let’s address one market at a time, then isn’t this whole line of reasoning another way of saying the states are doing a bad job regulating insurance?

What do governors and state insurance regulators think of that?

At some point, if this new rhetoric continues, reform advocates will succeed in opening up yet another new front in the reform debate.

UPDATE: The text of the Baucus bill has now been filed – all 1,502 pages of it.  As the earlier proposals suggested, it seriously undermines any pretense of state insurance regulation.  Under the bill, states will be free to have any kind of regulation they like – as long as it’s the federal regulation.

Rhetoric versus Reality in Reform

Tuesday, September 22nd, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Joe Biden unveiled a White House study on the rise of health insurance premiums.  He pressed for consumer protections the President wants to see in any reform legislation.  Among these are a pledge to pass a law that “ends exorbitant out-of-pocket expenses, deductibles or co-pays.”  Presumably this is meant to address worries many feel over the growth of high-deductible health plans.

The St. Petersburg Times looked into it to find out what this pledge means, in practical terms.  David Axelrod at the White House pointed them to the proposed House legislation, which would create limits on out-of-pocket expenses, deductibles and co-pays of $5,000 a year for an individual, and $10,000 a year for a family.

It sounds like they’re drawing a line in the sand.  But how does it compare to existing law?

Well, for a plan to qualify as a “high deductible health plan” for federal tax law purposes, it has to have a maximum limit on annual deductible and out-of-pocket medical expenses.  For 2009, that amount is $5,800 for an individual, and $11,600 for a family.

I guess the line between “exorbitant” and “not exorbitant” is somewhere between $5,000 and $5,800.

But it raises another question:

How does the strident rhetoric against insurance companies measure up against what’s actually being proposed?

(more…)

Five Myths About American Health Care

Wednesday, September 2nd, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Newsweek tries refute the “Five Biggest Lies In the Health Care Debate.”

But I’ve heard much bigger lies than the ones in this article.

I mean, are people really showing up angry at town hall meetings over fears that “the government will set doctor’s wages”?

Misinformation – or just plain old confusion – about our health care system is common.  To try to help fix this, I offer five of the biggest, most commonly repeated misconceptions I hear regularly about the U.S. health care system.

(more…)

How the Curve is Already Bending

Tuesday, August 25th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Bad news in the paper today: health care costs are expected to rise another 10.5% next year. It’s a serious problem that affects businesses and families across the country.

But the headlines miss something important: the rate of increase has been steadily slowing.

Are we already bending the health care cost curve?

(more…)

Why Health Insurance is So Expensive, Continued

Friday, August 21st, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

Another of the many reasons why health insurance is so expensive is the wave of hospital consolidation over the last 15 years.

They’ve been merging into big local hospital systems, and national chains, with the number of stand-alone hospitals – and even just the pure number of hospitals – declining steadily. It’s a trend that in this recessionary environment and questions about health care reform may be accelerating.

Why is it happening?

A big reason is declining government payment rates to hospitals.

In an effort to control costs, Medicare and Medicaid programs have systematically limited payments to hospitals for their services.  Hospitals have tried to make up this shortfall by shifting costs onto private insurers through higher costs to them.

The best way to have leverage in those negotiations is to be a bigger, more important negotiating entity.  So merging into a big system makes perfect sense.  Some people think the resulting cost-shifting adds as much as 10% onto the cost of private insurance.

It also amplifies other trends in the health care marketplace.

In Massachusetts, for example, the dominant hospital system and dominant health insurer reportedly entered into a secret agreement in 2000 along these lines.  The insurer, in return for agreeing to pay significantly more for services from the hospital system, got a promise from the hospital system that it would always charge other insurers at least as much. What it meant was that the hospital got lots more money from all insurers, and the dominant insurer was able to know it would always have the cheapest cost structure of any insurer in the state.

Of course, it also meant significant premium increases for everyone to pay for this arrangement. It’s the kind of collusion that is reminiscent of the “trust busting” era of the early 20th century.

This time, though, the government doesn’t seem especially interested in it.  Indeed, earlier this year, the Massachusetts Governor, without irony, asked for the “vigorous cooperation” of Massachusetts hospitals and insurers to resolve the problem of high health care costs.

Why Health Insurance is So Expensive, Continued

Sunday, August 16th, 2009

By Evan Falchuk

One of the less talked about reasons why health insurance is so expensive in America is our system of insurance regulation.  It’s a system that dates back to the 19th century, and hasn’t changed very much since.

Here’s how it works.  There are 50 insurance commissioners.  They set the rules for insurance in their states, and they have a major impact.

What it means is that if you want to sell an insurance product in the United States, you have to pick a state in which to start.  You would have to comply with that state’s rules about financial stability and management.  Then, you would have to comply with the state’s mandates as to what needs to be in the product, and, depending on the state, you may have to change your price to fit what the state says you have to charge.  Its a process that can take many months or years.

Now, if you wanted to sell your product across the country, you have to go through this process 50 different times. It’s why when you see a brochure for an insurance product you can read on the back of the brochure all kinds of notes about how the product differs in different states.  It’s a process that adds significant administrative cost to any insurer who wants to sell a new product.  And it’s an important contributor to why the US insurance market is much less dynamic and competitive than perhaps any other market in America.

Imagine if our market for cell phones worked this way.  We’d have 50 different cell phone networks, and 50 wireless device commissioners who would decide who can sell phones, and at what price.  They would mandate what features a phone had to have and couldn’t have in their state.  Apple could design an iPhone, but why bother – they would have to make 50 different versions of it.  They could only sell it in one state at a time, and they would have to change features and price every time they went into a new market.

So when you hear people talking about health “insurance” reform, think that maybe it shouldn’t be about trying to curtail specific bad things that some insurers do.  Instead, think that maybe we should be talking about having a regulatory system that meets the needs of a modern economy.  We should be thinking of opening up our insurance markets to actual competition – not one new, giant, lumbering government insurer, but rather dozens of new, dynamic entrants into the insurance market.

old-cellphone


  • "Medicine is learned by the bedside and not in the class room. Let not your conception of manifestations of disease come from work heard in the lecture room or read from the book: see and then research, compare and control. But see first."
    - Sir William Osler, MD
    The Father of Modern Medicine
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